HUM / REL 493 - Continuation of Intermediate Latin

Course Notes - Week 7

Cambridge Course, Stage 41

The photo on page 121 shows a coin from Bithynia, from the time of the Emperor Hadrian. The Greek letters on the coin say KOINON BEITHYNIAS (common of Bythinia) - the coin was not issued by one of the cities on its own behalf, but in the name of the whole of Bythinia.
The theater at Ephesus was built in the 3rd century BC, but was extended by the Romans, to hold 24,000 spectators.
The drawing on page 126 depicts Trajan's forum in Rome. Trajan's Arch over the entrance is at the right-hand edge. Across from it is the long Basilica Ulpia. To the left of the Basilica is Trajan's Column, flanked by two library buildings. The Temple of Trajan is at the far left. The semi-circular building at the top is part of Trajan's Market.
The photo on page 127 shows a relief of the Portus Triani near Ostia. The ship shows that it belongs to Rome, by showing the "she-wolf and twins" (Romulus and Remus) on the upper part of the sails. The lighthouse of Ostia is behind the ship. Neptune, god of the sea, stands to the right of the ship, with his trident in his hand.
The photos on pages 129 and 146 show some of the details on Trajan's Column. On page 129 Trajan is addressing a group of legionaries and auxiliaries. On page 146 the legionaries are marching, with shields ,swords, and their possessions tied to their spears.
The Pont du Guard, shown on page 145, was built by Agrippa, ca. 19BC, to carry water from the Euro river, across the Gardon River, to Nimes.
The photos on page 147 show coins from the reigns of Nicomedes III of Bythinia, and Mithridates VI Eupator Dionysus of Pontus. When he died, Nicomedes bequeathed his kingdom to Rome in 74BC. Mithridates VI was defeated by the Romans in 66BC by Pompey. Pompey set up the administrative constittion for Bythinia-Pontus which later Roman governors worked with.
The gold coin (aureus) of Trajan, shown on page 148 has the letters SPQR OPTIMO PRINCIPI - VIA TRAIANA, celebrating the road that Trajan built from Beneventum to Brundisium.

Pages 56 of the Cambridge Course gives a summary of Pliny's political career.

The problems which Pliny faced in Bythinia included a lawless element in the mass of population, feuds between local leaders and between towns, illegal financial deals in which public money was embezzled or squandered, towns engaging in expensive public works just for the sake of rivalry with other towns, and people not paying money which they had promised.
Pliny had wide experience of financial matters, but less experience with military affairs, whereas Trajan had far more military experience. Hence Pliny's letters to Trajan tend to ask for military advice rather than financial.

In adventus, page 124, line 4 we meet the locative case : "Pergamī" - "at Pergamum" - see also page 324.
Line 6, XV Kal. Octōbrēs" should be read as "ante diem quīntum decimum Kalendās Octōbrēs". Because the Romans counted both ends of a date, this is equivalent to October 17.
Trajan's birthday (line 8) would have been celebrated as a public festival, with games and sacrifices. Pliny, his soldiers, and the city officials would have taken part in the festivities.
Lines 11-13 refer to various financial irregularities which Pliny uncovered - embezzlement, taking money for public works and then not doing them, shady deals with public contracts, pay-offs, and other illegal transfers of money.
The "mensor" mentioned in line 14 would have the job of surveying and measuring the land and buildings, to see if the buildings had been built as specified in the contract.

Pages 126-127 (Trajan's reply) "tuorum" - Pliny's companions included his wife, personal staff and slaves.
Line 8 - "meī locō" emphasizes that Pliny is the personal representative of the Emperor - he had been appointed personally by Trajan.

In carcer, the "publicī cīvitātum servī" (lines 1-2, 4-5, 6) were slaves who were owned by the city; they were generally used as clerks and general workers, and even received a small wage.
The "custōdiās", mentioned in line 4, were being held in custody, rather than serving a jail sentence. They were kept in prison until the governor arrived to conduct a trial.

In supplicium Pliny mentions two slaves "found among the recruits".
Only free Roman citizens could become legionaries.
Freemen who were not Roman citizens could serve in the auxilia, and they were rewarded with Roman citizenship at the end of their service.
The slaves in question may have been trying to pass themselves off as free men in the hope of eventual freedom and citizenship. They were sent to Pliny because only a magistrate with "imperium" could try a case involving capital punishment. Slaves who tried to pass as free men were liable to the death penalty.
The "sacrāmentum" mentioned in line 6 was an oath of loyalty to the Emperor, which was sworn by recruits upon enlistment. Evidently the slaves had already sworn the oath, but had not yet been assigned to a particular unit, and their names were not yet registered on the rolls. Pliny had some doubts as to their current status - were they now legally soldiers?
In Trajan's reply on page 132 he mentions "voluntariī", "lectī", and "vicāriī". A "voluntarius" had volunteered for service. A "lectus" had been conscripted or drafted. However, someone who had been drafted was allowed to send a substitute provided he sent a free man who was physically fit - the substitutes was a "vicārius".
"Vicārius" came into the English language as "vicar" to denote a priest or deacon who was sent to look after a church or community on behalf of a more senior cleric.
Part of the process of admitting recruits to the army was a "probātiō", which involved a medical examination and the verification of the recruit's legal status (was he a free man?). Trajan states that in these two cases the probātiō failed - the investigators did not find out that the two recruits were not free men. Therefore the two men are still slaves, and not soldiers.
Trajan considers several possibilities

1. The slaves may have lied and tried to pass as free men - in which case they are guilty, and should suffer the death penalty.
2. They may have been sent as vicāriī, in which case those sending them are guilty.
3. They may have been conscripted, in which case whoever conscripted them is guilty.

In incendium, page 133, Pliny laments that there was no "īnstrūmentum" available to fight the fire. Fire-fighting equipment in Rome at that time included "hamae" - water-buckets of woven rope sealed with tar; "spongiae" - sponges; "centōnēs" - quilts or blankets soaked in vinegar, to smother small fires; "dolābrae" - pickaxes; "secūrēs" - hatchets; "scālae" - ladders, and "formiōnēs" - large wicker mats to catch those jumpiong out of burning buildings.

In diplōmata, page 138, Pliny mentions his wife, who had accompanied him to Bythinia, but who needed to return to Rome to comfort her aunt on the death of her grandfather.
Pliny was referring to his third wife, Calpurnia, who was in her late teens or early twenties (Pliny was about 50 years old at that time).
Calpurnia was a granddaughter of Calpurnius Fabatus. Her father, Calpurnius Fabatus' son, was already dead. Calpurnia had been orphaned as a child, and had been brought up by her aunt, Calpurnia Hispulla.
Pliny himself probably died in Bythinia shortly after these letters were written. He and Calpurnia may never have seen one another again.

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